Author: Chen Wei Zhen 17 October 2012
This article was written after Su Jianhe's acquittal in the third trial.
What does 20 years of human rights detention mean? How do we view the relationship between the individual and society when life is controlled by a dark judicial system?
In most lives, "queer identity" is a sexual identity, a sexual orientation, a sexual attraction, a sexual practice, a sexual construction, but in more subtle ways, often hidden by the media and mainstream society, "queer identity" should be recognized as a political/sexual identity (political sex/identity), an identity that uses sexuality as a medium, sensitive to political issues in various structural aspects.
I started with the Su Jianhe case, which is actually very bad. Some people may say that comparing human life with human rights of gay people is not a good idea. (Although most people still remember Ye Yongzhi) or those who oppose abolitionism may scoff: "They all deserve to die. But what is the difference between human rights and human rights? The injustice suffered by Su Jianhe and the other three clearly demonstrates the threat to life and the deprivation of freedom. Don't forget that in today's society, the degree of freedom and the conditions for the accumulation of property depend more on what the government is willing to give to whom. We have never really lived in a society where "if one works hard, life will be good". Tsai can invest in art acquisition and appear in the media, but that does not give him the right to be married to a partner in Taiwan, to enjoy all the benefits offered to well-off families, or to adopt a child and hope that his children will become a dragon and a phoenix.
Here, if we consider the LGBT parade as an important part of Taiwan's gay movement, from the early days of the LGBT Festival with the introductory nature of "getting to know gay people" and the group nature of "gay identity", some cool spirit was incorporated midway, and issues related to social rights were added. This year is definitely a historical point in personal identity politics, as many sex/gender related groups in Taiwan have been discussing and debating the political, revolutionary, demand and structural aspects of "gay marriage rights" since last year, and even the draft amendment to the Law on the Alliance for Couples has been released.
But how will the history of human rights in Taiwan develop from the cut-off point onward? For me, it is a more pessimistic question. At this year's "Let's Get Married/Dissolved" forum organized by the Gay and Lesbian Alliance, Cavieau spoke about how sexual identity should be integrated with other areas of vulnerability, and how the right to gay marriage, on the other hand, should be seen as part of a revolution, a revolution against the sexual mainstream of society and against marriage itself. It should never be just an endpoint, and therefore should not be a handout, or a false endpoint of equality that serves as a cover for peace, as gender equality laws do. Our social egalitarian operations have reached the point of "isolating labor but chiseling the lines" in an absurd and contrived manner, and similar operations have become more subtle and cunning, gnawing at some apparently politically correct issues: sexuality, housing, work, food, ecology. In fact, I am vaguely uneasy that if the Taiwan government suddenly "mercifully" legalizes gay marriage after this year's gay rally, this will actually be an obstacle of some kind for the entire movement, just like the government's change of the Metro Law after the Shihlin Wang family's protest against the Metro case, and continue downward. In addition to the government's continued disregard for the Wang family's situation, the people had to play a game of inequality with more subtle regulations and more traps.
Just abolishing the death penalty will not address the problem of unjust imprisonment, the fear of the people and the grievances of the victims' families. There is much more we can do in the next ten years.